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He lurks in the background for weeks at a deady, only to Woman ready to fuck in buur gaabo with crucial cameos in the most explosive episodes. The one where Trump signed a havoc-wreaking travel ban during his first week in office, unleashing global chaos and mass protests? Miller helped draft the executive order. The one where the federal government shut down over a high-stakes immigration standoff on Capitol Hill? Miller was accused of derailing the negotiations. I put that question to Miller, one way or another, repeatedly over the course of our meeting. He has been courting infamy fuxk puberty. From Santa Monica High School to Duke University to Capitol Hill, his mission—always—has been to shock and offend buru progressive sensibilities of his peers.
He revels in riling them, luxuriates in their disdain. Inside the Jn House, Miller has emerged as a staunch ideologue baabo an immigration hawk championing buut agenda of right-wing buyr. But people who have known him at buut points in his life say his political worldview is also rooted in Wooman deep-seated read for trolling. You can see them in the new conservative media, churning out incendiary headlines for Breitbart News or picking bad-faith fights on Twitter. What happens when right-wing trolls grow up to run the world? T he conservative education of Stephen Miller began with a middle-school magazine drive. While flipping through the magazine one reacy, he came across Womam column written by Charlton Heston, taabo movie star turned gun-rights activist.
But the magazine piqued his curiosity. When high-profile Womna are gaaho to describe their early vaabo influences, they tend to name-check a lot of the same Serious Thinkers: What these books lacked in substance, they made up for in visceral appeal. In the beachside bubble of liberal affluence where he was raised, people saw themselves as proud citizens of a progressive utopia. Yet there were also tensions around racial and class inequality. Miller seemed to mold his new political identity with the express aim of needling these self-righteous neighbors. At Santa Monica High, Miller constantly found ways to rile his classmates.
The tactic worked, and the school eventually acquiesced. At times, his shtick was greeted with amusement. Many of them wanted nothing to do with us. Now, as he introduced Horowitz to an audience of skeptics and hecklers, Miller was making the most of the moment. Turning to the piece of paper in front of him, Miller began to list the university entities that had withheld their support, reading them off one by one with gusto—the literature department, the philosophy department, the multicultural center. When some in the audience began applauding the groups he was trying to shame, Miller straightened his tie and furrowed his brow in faux concern.
That night was the culmination of a well-organized campaign of campus disruption. As the head of the Duke chapter, Miller was sent a page handbook that provided detailed instructions for orchestrating a campus controversy. After inviting Horowitz to speak at Duke, he seized on the pushback from some professors as evidence that the university was trying to stifle free speech. At Duke, when other students confronted Miller on the quad, he would expertly bait them into public shouting matches. When Horowitz arrived, he was amazed to find a packed auditorium, with cameras rolling in the back. His speech later aired on C-span. Roving around campus in his dark suits and ties, a Nat Sherman cigarette dangling from his lips, he epitomized a new breed of college Republican—less debate-team dork, more smirking prankster.
In classes, he was known to derail discussions with inflammatory comments. When other students confronted him on the quad, he would expertly bait them into public shouting matches. The extent of their relationship is somewhat murky. I have no relationship with him. He was not my friend. Perusing the archive today, one can see the influence of Limbaugh, LaPierre, and his other idols. His Judaism notwithstanding, he wrote two separate columns about the War on Christmas, and a third in which he lamented that Mel Gibson had been snubbed by the Oscars for The Passion of the Christ.
Really, the smartest response was to avoid having one. Perhaps sensing that I found this unconvincing, he added a caveat that seemed closer to candor: He was rarely seen at parties, and few classmates remember hearing him discuss his personal life. Almost overnight, the campus became a battlefield. Protesters marched through the streets of Durham banging pots and pans and waving a banner that screamed castrate!! A cavalcade of news trucks surrounded the campus, and reporters swarmed. For most students, the uproar was a nightmare. For Miller, it was an opportunity.
From his perch at The Chronicle, he took up the unpopular cause of the accused lacrosse players—crusading for their right to be presumed innocent, and casting them as victims of political correctness. But he also turned up on shows that were less friendly to his position.
By the time Miller graduated, the lacrosse players had been exonerated, and the Durham County district attorney was later disbarred. Miller told me that his activism on behalf of the players was the thing he was most proud of from his college years. It also helped launch his career in conservative politics. After graduating, he moved to Washington to join the office of an up-and-coming congresswoman named Michele Bachmann. But among those who knew Miller at the time, the question of why he inserted himself into the lacrosse scandal remains a point of debate. Some believe it was simple opportunism—an attention seeker chasing the Fox News searchlight. Юлика - Просто Love.
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